It was never just about maps. In 2018, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a milestone many called overdue. FATA was no more, they said. Pakistan had stitched its seams. But with seven years behind us, the promise feels unfulfilled and the bond, unfinished.

Because in Pakistan, a merger is only real when the people believe it.

Still, voices rose in opposition. Maulana Fazlur Rehman, JUI-F’s leader, labelled the merger a “mistake,” suggesting it served an “American agenda” to redraw regional boundaries. He claimed tribal people died for the very change he now opposes. His words found resonance in corridors of power, where committees formed and talk of reviving jirgas began again.

The words were soft: “revival,” “tradition,” “consultation.” The intent behind them was not.

The federal government maintains there is no reversal plan. It insists that all reforms remain within the 25th Amendment and that no constitutional change is being considered. Formally, the structure of merged governance remains intact.

Yet the review committee lacks representation from KP’s government, invited only federal actors and selected officials. What was framed as an inclusive process reads to many as centralised design. Without meaningful input from KP, particularly its Assemblies, this is consultation in name only.

In a region where the goal was integration, hearing talk of reviving parallel justice structures raises questions: Are we still dating old era institutions, or ready to build new ones?

The revival rhetoric is often cloaked in support for tradition or local leadership. But tradition does not require subverting the Constitution. Representation does not come through appointed elders. Justice is not restored by sidestepping formal systems.

Most critically, tribal councils today lack the legitimacy they once held. Many elders lost their authority in the past two decades of conflict. As Nasir Momand put it, the remaining leaders are largely seen as proxies of the federal government, not genuine custodians of tribal consensus.

Promises made seven years ago have yet to be honoured. A pledge of Rs 100 billion per year for development? Largely unmet. A guaranteed 3% share in the NFC Award? Yet to be fully implemented. Schools remain under-resourced, health clinics underfunded, and roads incomplete. Militancy resurges, civilian agencies struggle, and internally displaced persons often return to dilapidated homes, or not at all.

Faced with a vacuum, the state’s response has repeatedly leaned toward security-centric operations rather than recovery and reform. Renewing the jirga system now may be seen as substituting real governance with ceremonial gestures.

In Landi Kotal, tribal representatives made that plain.

Parliamentarians and local leaders gathered in unity: “We cannot accept more experiments,” said Shah Faisal Afridi of Jamaat‑e‑Islami, stressing the region is “still at war.” ANP’s Fazalur Rehman questioned the logic: “If the jirga is so essential, why not apply it countrywide? Why abolish high courts only in ex-FATA?”

Across party lines, the consensus was clear: the merger has democratic legitimacy. Tribal residents had sent legislators to assemblies based on this arrangement. They will not allow it to be changed quietly.

Only one exception emerged. Sajid Ali of PML-N endorsed the initiative, saying the jirga system could alleviate immediate concerns. He reassured that no rollback was underway. But he stood almost alone in that view.

The Centre, for its part, offers what it calls an olive branch: restored university admission quotas, federal committees claiming to include tribal voices, and promises of road-building and youth programs. These efforts are not unwelcome. But when policy shifts come amidst reunions of power and planning in Islamabad, trust remains fragile, especially when discussions about rollback persist in parallel.

There is scepticism about mineral policy, too. The tribal districts sit on deposits of rare earths and other valuable resources. Observers note that the KP Assembly’s rejection of a federal mining bill may have triggered renewed interest from Islamabad. This adds a layer of concern: that economic control, not local welfare, drives the recalibrations. In July, the Frontier Constabulary, historically a force limited to the tribal periphery, was quietly renamed the Federal Constabulary, expanding its mandate nationwide. What once served as a colonial outpost now operates as a national instrument, suggesting that reversals need not be announced when they can simply be repackaged.

If there is sorrow in this state of affairs, it is not only political; it is moral.

What does it say that a merger celebrated as a turning point is now being viewed as reversible? What does it say about a federation that delays service delivery for years, then contemplates rescinding rights? The merger was not only administrative. It was aspirational: a recognition that tribal citizens deserve equal rights, not exceptional systems.

To backtrack now would diminish more than promise. It would weaken trust.

Still, the final decision remains unsettled. Between public resistance and political debate, between Maulana Fazl’s retrospective critique and prevailing logic favouring continuity, a choice hangs in the balance.

The merger aimed to end colonial legacies like the Frontier Crimes Regulation, tools of control once justified by geography. Its continuation still serves the vision of equal citizenship. If political actors choose rollback over reform, they risk reminding Pakistan that laws can be rescinded, and promises can evaporate.

And if the voices from the merged districts are clear about anything, it is that they will not go back.

Not quietly. Not legally. And not with jirgas again.

References

1. Ali, Kalbe. “Fazl Terms Fata’s Merger with KP a ‘Mistake’.” Dawn, 24 July 2025, www.dawn.com/news/1926170.
2. “FATA Elders Reject Merger, Demand Restoration of Special Status.” Tribal News Network (TNN), 1 July 2025, tnnenglish.com/fata-elders-reject-merger-demand-restoration-of-special-status.
3. Hussain, Zahid. “Back to a Regressive Order?” Dawn, 9 July 2025, www.dawn.com/news/1922999.
4. “JI Rejects Federal Committee on Merged Districts.” The Express Tribune, 11 July 2025, tribune.com.pk/story/2555212/ji‑rejects‑federal‑committee‑on‑merged‑districts.
5. Raza, Syed Irfan. “Centre Offers Olive Branch to Tribesmen, Rules Out Reversal of Fata Merger.” Dawn, 25 July 2025, www.dawn.com/news/1926453.
6. Shah, Syed Akhtar Ali. “Reviving Jirgas: Undoing Constitutional Gains.” The Express Tribune, 17 July 2025, tribune.com.pk/story/2556263/reviving-jirgas-undoing-constitutional-gains.